Examining reflexes of Proto-Indo-Iranian *r̥H in Nuristani

This post will attempt to summarize in detail the reflexes of the Proto-Indo-Iranian sequence *r̥H in the attested Nuristani languages and their common ancestor, Proto-Nuristani.

(For abbreviations and sources, see this post. For Nuristani orthographic conventions, see this post.)

Introduction

The Proto-Indo-Iranian sequence *r̥H is one of the more difficult sequences to reconstruct based on Indo-Aryan and Iranian evidence. Palmér (2019) provides a detailed explanation on the reflexes of *r̥H in Indo-Aryan and Iranian, summarized below according to his interpretation.

Old Indo-Aryan reflects *r̥H in four different ways: ir/īr/ur/ūr summarized below:

  •  *r̥H > ur / C+labial _V, _u̯V
  •  *r̥H > ūr / C+labial _C, _Cu̯, _́u̯V
  •  *r̥H > ir / C-labial _V, _i̯V
  •  *r̥H > īr / C-labial _C, _Ci̯, _́i̯V 

Old Iranian reflects *r̥H in three different ways: *ar/*ər/*ruu̯ conditioned in three different ways similar to Indo-Aryan, but with slightly differing conditioning environments.

  •  *r̥H > *ar / _́, _V, C-labial _C
  •  *r̥H > *ər / C+labial _C, _Cu̯
  •  *r̥H > *ruu̯ / _u̯

Reflexes in Nuristani

All known secure reflexes of *r̥H in modern Nuristani are shown below:

(1) PIIr. *pr̥Hu̯a- "before" > PNur. *pawwa- "last year"

> Ash. (M) <pöw> /pow/, (T) <pȫw> /pow/, (S) <p′au> /pëw/

> Kt. (W) puv, (SE) pū

> NKal. (Zh) pöv, (N) <pöv> /pöv/

(2) PIIr. *Hu̯r̥HnaH- "wool" + *-ka- > PNur. *warrãka-

> Ash. (S) <vor′oːk> /vorōk/

> Kt. (W/NE) vërúk, (SE) varúk

> Pr. wurˈug /vurúg/

> NKal. (Zh) varë́k, (N) <varak> ~ <war'ak> /varák/

(3) PIIr. *Hr̥Hš(i̯)a- "envy" > PNur. *ārša- "covetousness, desire" (Halfmann 2025, regular lengthening of *a before *rC)

> Kt. (SE) oṣ

> NKal. (Zh) āṣ

(4) PIIr. *ćr̥Has- "head" > PNur. *ċarⁱa(s)- (Halfmann 2025)

> Kt. (W) ċiř "top", (NE) ċyuř "top", (SE) ċeř "top"

(*ċarⁱa-ka-) > Pr. ǰī /ǰi/

(5) PIIr. *ćr̥Hu̯a- "horn" > PNur. *ċawwa- "markhor", *ċruwa- "horn"

(*ċawwa-) > Ash. <saut′âṛ> /sëw-táṛ/ "hunt"

(*ċruwa-) > Pr. üč'ü /üčǘ/

(*ċawwa-) > NKal. (Zh) ċöv (N) <ćöv> /ċöv/

(6) PIIr. *gr̥Hi- "mountain" > PNur. *garⁱi- "stone"

> Pr. īr /ir/

(7) PIIr. *dr̥Hgʰa- "long" > PNur. *darⁱga-tana-ka- (Halfmann 2025)

> Kt. (W) drëgéř ~ drëgë́ř, (NE) dërëgéň, (SE) drëŋë́ň

Based on some of the data above, Halfmann proposes that *r̥H usually became *ar, as in Iranian. However, as pointed out by Halfmann himself, certain cases of *r̥H undergo umlaut in Katë and Prasun and therefore reconstructs PNur. *arⁱ before vowels and *g.

While the conclusions above may be true, the reflex of PIIr. *ćr̥Hu̯a- "horn" in Prasun implies PNur. *ċruwa- as evidenced by stressed *u > ü and *ċr > *ṭ > č, while the Ashkun and Nuristani Kalasha cognates can only imply PNur. *ċawwa-. To explain the difference, it is possible that such cases reflect divergent developments between Prasun and all the other Nuristani languages, or that *ċruwa- was borrowed into Proto-Nuristani from Iranian.

However, a third explanation could resolve the divergent reflexes of PIIr. *ćr̥Hu̯a- "horn". Remember that Iranian has a conditioned development of *r̥Hu̯ > *ruu̯ in unaccented position, and *aru̯ otherwise. If this is applied to Nuristani, then PNur. *ċruwa- "horn" derives from PIIr. *ćr̥Hu̯á-, and PNur. *ċawwa- "markhor" derives from PIIr. *ćŕ̥Hu̯a-.

Thus, we may posit the following reflexes of PIIr. *r̥H in PNur.:

  • *r̥H > *ar / _́
  • *r̥H > *arⁱ / _V, _g
  • *r̥H > *ruw / _u̯

References 

  • Palmér, Axel (2019). Traces of 'Pre-Indo-Iranian': Chronological Layers and Structural Characteristics of Early Indo-Iranian Loanwords. Master's thesis. Leiden: Leiden University.
  • Halfmann, Jakob (2025). The Diversification of Indo-Iranian and the Position of the Nuristani Languages. Wiesbaden: Reichert.

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